PM Edition: Top 10 Energy Articles on LiveNews.co.nz for April 21, 2026 – Full Text

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) [3]   Published on: 2026-04-13

The minibus taxi is ubiquitous in southern Africa. These vehicles are the backbone of the urban economy, providing affordable mobility for millions. In Cape Town, South Africa’s second most populous city, they are central to the transport landscape.

Around two-thirds of the city’s public transport users rely on paratransit services (which respond flexibly to demand), carrying about 830,000 daily passengers across 1,466 routes, and run by private individuals or associations rather than the state.

But because these vehicles run on petrol and diesel, they also contribute to greenhouse gas emissions, poor urban air quality and rising fuel costs.

The global shift away from internal combustion engines is accelerating, and public transport must be part of it. Bringing the electric vehicle transition to this sector, however, is not simply a matter of replacing one vehicle with another. In African paratransit systems, electrification raises a harder question: how do you change the vehicle without undermining the service on which so many people depend?

Electric minibuses would change how these vehicles operate, where and when they stop, how they interact with the grid, and driver decision making. They also require charging infrastructure that fits into the rhythms of taxi ranks, neighbourhoods and routes without disrupting service.

With Cape Town expected to launch its first few fully electric minibus taxi routes in Century City later in 2026, electrification is no longer a distant possibility. It is now urgent to understand whether it can work in practice for operators, passengers and the electricity grid.

We are a team of engineering researchers studying transport electrification in sub-Saharan Africa. In a series of studies, we have examined environmental and financial viability of electric vehicles under current mobility patterns, including charger placement, access, and adapted driving and charging behaviour.

Our new research found that electrifying minibus taxis is both necessary and possible. But it is also a complex challenge, with environmental trade-offs, grid constraints, operator costs and equity questions. Although our work focuses on Cape Town, the lessons are relevant to other African cities where paratransit dominates daily mobility.

Environmental perspective

The global narrative around electric vehicles often assumes they are a simple win for the climate. But this does not hold everywhere, especially where electricity still comes largely from fossil fuels. In South Africa, coal accounts for approximately 83% of electricity generation.

Using real minibus taxi mobility patterns in Cape Town, our research compared the energy use, emissions and costs of electric and conventional minibuses. It found a counter-intuitive result: under current grid conditions, an electric minibus taxi has about a 14% higher carbon dioxide equivalent footprint than a standard diesel minibus. In other words, charging an electric taxi on a coal-heavy grid can currently produce more greenhouse gas emissions than running a diesel vehicle.

That is not the end of the story. Electric minibuses still offer major environmental and health benefits. They eliminate tailpipe particulate pollution, reduce brake wear, and cut noise. These local benefits matter in dense urban areas where people live close to busy roads. As South Africa’s electricity system shifts towards more renewable energy, the climate case for electric minibus taxis will strengthen too.

So the real conclusion is not that electric taxis are a bad idea. Rather, they are a long-term climate solution whose immediate value lies especially in cleaner air, lower noise and better urban health.

Energy perspective

Electrifying Cape Town’s minibus taxi fleet would add substantial new electricity demand. In one study, the typical vehicle required about 50.8 kWh per day, scaling to roughly 460 MWh a day across a fleet of about 9,000 vehicles, or the equivalent of about 65,700 homes. The key issue is not just how much energy is needed but where and when vehicles charge.

Here, the newer work changes the story. It is tempting to think the answer is simply to install faster chargers at taxi ranks. But our modelling suggests that access to charging matters more than charging speed alone. Home or secure neighbourhood charging has the biggest effect on whether current mobility patterns can be sustained and on how well the system performs when driver behaviour adapts.

A typical daily charge of around 50 kWh might take roughly two to three hours on a 22 kW charger, or just over an hour on a 50 kW charger, though real charging times vary. But faster charging does not solve the real problem: drivers still need reliable places and enough stationary time to charge without undermining service or losing income.

The studies also show that chargers should not be planned only for formal taxi ranks. Infrastructure stops and informal stops matter too, because that is how paratransit actually works.

Nor will the effects be shared equally. Because apartheid-era geography still shapes where people live and work, operators in historically marginalised areas are more vulnerable when home charging is unavailable. Charging infrastructure is therefore not only a technical issue, but also an equity one.

There is also a grid challenge. Depot-only charging creates early-morning and daytime peaks, while home charging shifts demand into the evening residential peak. Unmanaged charging could therefore worsen stress on an already fragile electricity system. But time-of-use tariffs, managed charging, and better alignment with solar and other renewables could integrate electric taxis far more intelligently.

Operators’ perspective

For taxi operators, the economics of switching to electric vehicles are complicated. In one comparison, the electric option cost about 1.5 times as much as the diesel Toyota Ses’fikile – a 16-seater minibus – that currently dominates the market. Many operators already work on thin margins and face expensive finance.

There are also financing costs: typically a 10% deposit and a 20% interest rate over a 72-month repayment period. Many operators may also be seen as high-risk by lenders, making finance difficult to access.

At the same time, the running-cost case for electric minibuses is much stronger. Energy costs are generally 33% to 57% lower than diesel fuel costs, and electric motors require less maintenance. For operators, then, this is a story of higher upfront cost set against lower operating cost, with the outcome depending heavily on electricity tariffs, finance terms and access to affordable charging.

Preparing for electrification

Careful planning and simulation are needed to roll out electric minibus taxis at scale. Policymakers need to understand the interactions between vehicle energy demand, charging infrastructure, grid capacity, driver behaviour and passenger service.

That is why we modelled driver behaviour in an electrified paratransit system. Unlike formal bus services, minibus taxi drivers adapt routes, stops and charging to passenger demand and competition. Our simulations show that constrained depot charging increases waiting times and reduces trips served. But with home charging, depot congestion falls sharply and service quality is largely maintained.

This matters because electrification is not just about vehicles and chargers, but about how informal transport systems actually work. If planners treat taxi operations like centrally controlled bus fleets, they will design the wrong interventions. The better approach is to plan around real mobility patterns, charging behaviour and neighbourhood inequality.

It is therefore crucial to bring taxi operators, municipalities, energy providers and communities together. Cleaner air and lower noise must be weighed against the grid’s current emissions profile. Operator economics must improve through better tariffs and financing. And charging infrastructure must be placed not only at depots and ranks, but also in the neighbourhoods and informal stops that shape paratransit every day.

With targeted subsidies, better overnight charging access, investment in renewable energy and clear policy support, Cape Town can begin building a public transport transition that is cleaner, more realistic and more just. If it gets this right, it could offer a blueprint for cities across Africa.

MJ (Thinus) Booysen as Director of the Electric Mobility Lab at Stellenbosch receives funding from the Western Cape Government and the Transport Education and Training Authority (TETA). The Electric Mobility Lab and Centre for Renewable and Sustainable Energy Studies (CRSES) have partnered with flxEV (GoMetro), Powerfleet (MiX Telematics), HSV and ACDC on the importation of South Africa’s first new electric minibus taxi, the eKamva.

Joshua Sello receives funding from the Global Strategic Communications Council (GSCC) and the DW Ackermann Bursary Scheme.

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Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Matthew E. Oliver, Associate Professor of Economics, Georgia Institute of Technology

The market for oil is global, which is why events like the war in Iran affect oil prices – and prices of the wide range of products made from oil – literally everywhere. Federal data shows that the price at the primary crude oil hub in the U.S. was US$66 a barrel in late February 2026 – before the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran – and $101 a barrel on April 13. Similar price increases have reverberated around the globe.

As an energy economist and an international trade economist, we field a lot of questions during such episodes, because when oil prices go up, manufacturers, businesses and ultimately consumers pay more.

Some basic economics

Crude oil may be the most important commodity in the global economic system.

It’s a literal fuel for the industrial economy. It powers the engines that drive transportation and paves the roads vehicles drive on. It’s a source for plastics from which the world’s products get made and packaged, and a key ingredient at some point in almost every supply chain. Even fertilizers that boost the food supply are made from it. In short, it is difficult to imagine modern life without oil and its derivatives.

And when its supply changes, its price changes. Economists explain this using a fundamental model of our field: the supply-demand diagram. When there’s less of something to go around, competition among consumers who want it and companies that need it can drive the price up.

Sometimes this process can play out over time, allowing people to adjust their purchasing or activities to dampen price shocks. But when a significant source of the world’s oil is effectively blocked without much advance notice, such as when the the U.S. and Israeli attacks on Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz, prices can rise sharply in a short period of time.

A natural question many people ask when oil prices spike is: Where does all that additional money go, and who benefits from it?

Some people have written entire books dissecting all the places that money goes when it leaves consumers’ pockets. But ultimately, the bulk of the money heads in the direction of the source of the oil itself – the oil companies.

What they do with the money varies widely, depending on where in the world an oil company is operating and who owns it. What also matters is the business environment – the set of laws and regulations – in which the company operates.

Middle East faces danger

Oil producers in the Middle East face significant new risk because of the war in Iran, including threats to production, processing locations and shipping routes. These risks raise their costs for insurance, security and transportation.

But production costs in the region are relatively low, so higher global oil prices typically still translate into strong profits.

For a major exporter such as Saudi Arabia, the government owns and controls nearly all oil production, so high prices generally benefit the government’s finances and investments, even during a war. In Saudi Arabia, oil revenue has historically been used to fund public spending.

West Texas gets a windfall

The Permian Basin, the largest oil field in the U.S., is a long way from the Persian Gulf. When global oil prices rise because of the war in Iran, oil companies operating in West Texas effectively get a windfall gain: Prices rise more quickly than costs, at least in the short run.

The immediate effect is more income from higher prices. The money largely goes to company owners – meaning shareholders – through dividends, debt reduction, company-backed purchases of its own stock, and reinvestment in drilling and production. Over time, companies may decide to spend some of that windfall on building more production capacity or pipelines to get more oil and gas to market.

North Sea boosts government revenue

In the North Sea, between the island of Great Britain and Scandinavia, a mix of multinational and government-owned companies produce most of the oil.

In the U.K., private shareholders are the primary beneficiaries of higher profits from increased oil prices, though an additional tax on oil and gas companies’ profits means the government also collects a significant share of the money, which it uses to help pay public expenses.

In Norway, oil revenues flow into the Government Pension Fund Global, the world’s largest sovereign wealth fund, valued at over $2 trillion. Laws govern how much, and for what purposes, money can be withdrawn from the fund, supporting public spending and preserving wealth for future generations. This is a similar model to Alaska’s state-owned program, funded by oil revenue, that pays for government services and sends an annual dividend to every permanent resident.

Russian oligarchs get rich

Russian oil is subject to stringent economic sanctions imposed by major industrial countries as a response to the Russian invasion and occupation of parts of Ukraine. While the U.S. cannot control how much Russia charges for its oil, it can control services needed to move Russian oil around the world. Under current price sanctions, Western shipping, insurance and financing can be used to ship and sell Russian crude oil only if the price is below $60 per barrel.

Russia’s oil industry is dominated by government-controlled companies whose leaders maintain close ties to President Vladimir Putin. The dealings of those shadowy figures are often shrouded in secrecy, but it is likely that they and Putin’s military-industrial complex – not the Russian people – are the main beneficiaries of high oil prices.

What this means for you

Everyday U.S. consumers may not like the idea of their hard-earned cash going into the already deep pockets of any of these groups. But in the short run, there’s not much to do but pay the price. For the long run, however, people around the world are already thinking and talking about, and opting for, sources of energy that don’t depend on fossil fuels.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. When oil prices spike, where does the money go? – https://theconversation.com/when-oil-prices-spike-where-does-the-money-go-280763

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Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Glen Fuller, Professor Communications and Media, University of Canberra

As fuel prices climb and oil supply shocks multiply, you might might be thinking – perhaps for the first time in years – about dusting off the bike and riding again. Perhaps you’re kicking yourself you haven’t done it already.

But getting back on a bike rarely comes from a single moment of willpower. It usually emerges from small changes that rebuild capacity over time: a serviced bike, calmer traffic, having permission to ride slowly, riding an e-bike, or cycling part-way.

Mass cycling did not return to cities by accident. In the Netherlands, the dominance of everyday cycling emerged after a deliberate break with car-centred transport following the 1973 oil crisis. Public protest over road deaths and energy dependence also contributed.

Cycling became viable again not because people were persuaded to try harder, but because car use was actively constrained and alternatives were made easier.

If we want people to return to bikes in car-centric societies, the question is not why they stopped cycling – but what would make cycling possible again.

It’s not just about motivation

People often assume the hardest part of cycling again is motivation.

But bikes tend to stop being ridden long before people decide to stop cycling. Something small went wrong and was never fixed. The bike ends up in the garage with flat tyres, tucked behind boxes, or hanging unused.

When that happens, cycling doesn’t feel like a choice any more. It feels unavailable.

In our research with people who had stopped riding in Sydney, cycling faded when everyday arrangements no longer worked: storage was awkward, routes became stressful, or minor mechanical issues accumulated.

People are more likely to cycle when the bike is stored near the front door and ready to use.

Cycling depends on a combination of bodies, bikes, routes, time and confidence. When any one of these falls out of sync, your capacity to cycle drains away.

Abandon ideas about ‘proper’ cyclists

One of the strongest barriers we encountered was the sense of not fitting the image of a “proper” cyclist.

In Australia, that image is still closely tied to being male, wearing a lot of Lycra, owning an expensive bike and costly cycling gear and riding really fast.

Women, older riders and those returning to cycling after a long break often experience that culture as quietly excluding.

In reality, cycling does not require a lot of specialist gear for most everyday trips.

In places where cycling functions as everyday transport – such as large parts of Europe and Asia – people ride in work clothes, at relaxed speeds, on practical bikes.

Similarly, e-bikes enable a range of differently abled bodies to cycle (suggesting we should rethink some of the ways e-bikes have been recently demonised).

Letting go of narrow definitions of who cycling is for can reopen the possibility of riding at all.

Cycling routes might have improved

Our research into the significant increase in cycling during the COVID pandemic found the lockdowns offered a rare natural experiment.

Many Australians returned to cycling after years away because traffic temporarily disappeared.

With fewer cars on the road, cycling felt calmer and less demanding, and confidence grew quickly. A significant investment was made in cycling infrastructure across Australian cities (although this investment is still minuscule compared with car infrastructure spending).

So if you’re reluctant to cycle again because you’re afraid of being hit by a car, it’s worth checking if cycling routes have improved since last you rode.

Start by using a digital map to search for cycling routes separate from vehicle traffic.

Get your bike serviced

A serviced bike changes everything.

A lot of the anxiety stopping people from riding can be greatly reduced by simply having gears that work, brakes that respond and tyres that hold air.

Our research found these small material fixes can make a big difference to getting people back on the bike.

There are myriad explainer and DIY videos on YouTube covering maintenance basics if getting the bike professionally serviced is out of your budget.

You can also try to find a local community bike kitchen or council‑supported course. Some councils also run programs where experienced riders can show you good cycling routes through your suburb or city.

These make maintenance affordable but also reconnect people with cycling as something ordinary and shared, rather than technical or elite.

You don’t have to ride the whole way

Another quiet enabler is allowing cycling to be partial and occasional. Some begin by riding to a train station or local cafe rather than committing to an entire commute.

In our interviews, people stayed on the bike longest when they allowed themselves to mix modes of transport, adjust routes and change plans without feeling they had “failed” at cycling.

Treating cycling as one option among several, rather than an all‑or‑nothing identity, makes it easier to start.

Make cycling ordinary again

The Dutch experience after the oil crisis shows society-wide shifts follow when everyday conditions change, not when individuals are told to try harder.

As the world once again confronts energy uncertainty, the lesson is timely.

The challenge for cities is not to convince people that cycling is good. It is to make cycling ordinary enough that people can return to it without having to become a “cyclist” first.

Glen Fuller received funding in the past from the ARC for the research project Pedalling for Change.

– ref. You don’t have to be a ‘cyclist’ to ride a bike. Here’s how to start again – https://theconversation.com/you-dont-have-to-be-a-cyclist-to-ride-a-bike-heres-how-to-start-again-280451

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Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Marta Khomyn, Senior Lecturer, Finance and Data Analytics, Adelaide University

Elon Musk’s space exploration company SpaceX has filed confidential papers ahead of a planned public company listing on the US NASDAQ stock exchange.

The initial public offering (IPO) for the company controlled by the world’s richest man is targeting a total valuation of US$2 trillion. Musk plans to list only a small fraction of the company to raise US$75 billion from public investors, which would still make it the largest IPO in history.

So, why is SpaceX planning to go public? And what does the IPO mean for investors who might want a tiny slice of the action?

The backstory

SpaceX says it aims to “make humanity multiplanetary”. You would expect no less from Musk, who founded SpaceX in 2002.

His company’s breakthrough was to re-use as much of the rocket and launcher vehicle as possible. This slashed launch costs to as little as 5% of the costs in the early 2000s, and turned commercial space flight from science fiction into reality. The company says it has now completed about 600 successful rocket landings.

Yet, for all its space ambitions, SpaceX still derives 50–80% of its revenue from Starlink, a communications business, which provides satellite internet to over 10 million users around the world.

In February 2026, SpaceX merged with xAI, the loss-making AI company behind the Grok chatbot, in what was the largest private merger transaction on record. The deal valued xAI at US$250 billion and SpaceX at US$1 trillion, creating a combined entity worth US$1.25 trillion.

The merger has helped to set the stage for the SpaceX IPO.

Musk suggested the IPO proceeds will be used for launching up to one million data centre satellites into space. The idea is that space-based data centres would be powered by abundant solar energy, and therefore bypass the constraints of electricity and water usage on Earth.

Bending the rules for the IPO

SpaceX may be the first of three mega-IPOs this year, ahead of potential listings of AI companies Anthropic and OpenAI.

If it goes ahead with plans to raise US$75 billion, that would represent just 3.75% of the company’s total value. It means the vast majority of SpaceX would remain in private hands, owned by Musk himself and a handful of early private investors. In stock market terms, this is called a low “free float”.

Normally, companies that only list such a small percentage of their total value would not qualify for inclusion in major stock market indices like the S&P 500 or the NASDAQ 100.

The NASDAQ normally requires at least a 10% free float of shares in a given company. But to allow a potential listing of SpaceX to be included in the index, the exchange has introduced a special adjustment to the weighting of shares and removed the 10% minimum.

NASDAQ also reduced the normal “seasoning period” before a newly listed company can join the index from three months to just 15 trading days. Again, this is to accommodate the SpaceX listing.

For investors in passive funds, including exchange-trade funds (ETFs), this matters a lot. Currently, more than US$600 billion of investors’ money is with passive funds that track the NASDAQ 100 index. As soon as SpaceX joins the index, these investors will automatically be buying in. The concern is that allowing giant companies such as SpaceX to enter the index too quickly could lead to big price swings, which would expose millions of investors to high volatility.

SpaceX wants investors to value it at US$2 trillion, but it only earned US$15 billion in revenue last year. At that rate, it would take 133 years of revenue just to match its current asking price.

Tesla, one of the most expensive stocks in the world, would take just 13 years — making SpaceX’s price tag ten times higher.

Other leading market indices, such as S&P 500 and FTSE Russell, are also bending their rules to fast-track the inclusion of very large, newly listed companies.

Many more investors have their money in funds that track S&P indices compared to Nasdaq 100 – more than US$16 trillion in passive funds track the S&P. If the S&P 500 follows NASDAQ’s lead and changes its own rules to accommodate SpaceX, the wave of automatic buying would be even larger.

What does this mean for investors?

Musk’s companies have long been the darlings of non-professional, retail investors, and SpaceX would be no exception. In fact, the company said it aims to sell up to 30% of its shares to non-institutional, individual investors.

With SpaceX’s sky-high valuation, investors need to stop and think before buying in. But when powerful companies can rewrite the rules in their own favour, thinking carefully becomes a luxury. Markets only work when everyone plays by the same rules, and right now, not everyone is.

Marta Khomyn does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Musk’s SpaceX is shaping up as the biggest IPO on record. It’s also bending the rules to do so – https://theconversation.com/musks-spacex-is-shaping-up-as-the-biggest-ipo-on-record-its-also-bending-the-rules-to-do-so-280271

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Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Hunter Bennett, Lecturer in Exercise Science, Adelaide University

You check your smartwatch after a run. Your fitness score has dropped. You’ve burnt hardly any calories. Your recovery score is really low. It’s telling you to take the next 72 hours off exercise.

The worst bit? The whole run felt amazing.

So why’s your watch telling you the opposite?

Ultimately, it’s because smartwatches and other fitness trackers aren’t always accurate.

Smartwatches can shape how you exercise

Using wearable fitness technology, such as smartwatches, has been one of the top fitness trends for close to a decade. Millions of people around the world use them daily.

These devices shape how people think about health and exercise. For example, they provide data about how many calories you’ve burnt, how fit you are, how recovered you are after exercise, and whether you’re ready to exercise again.

But your smartwatch doesn’t measure most of these metrics directly. Instead, many common metrics are estimates. In other words, they’re not as accurate as you might think.

1. Calories burned

Calorie tracking is one of the most popular features on smartwatches. However, the accuracy leaves a lot to be desired.

Wearable devices can under- or overestimate energy expenditure (often expressed as calories burned) by more than 20%. These errors also vary between activities. For example, strength training, cycling and high-intensity interval training can lead to even larger errors.

This matters because people often use these numbers to guide how much they eat.

For example, if your watch overestimates calories burned, you might think you need to eat more food than you really need, which could result in weight gain. Conversely, if your watch underestimates calories burned, it could lead you to under-eat, negatively impacting your exercise performance.

2. Step counts

Step counts are a great way to measure general physical activity, but wearables don’t capture them perfectly.

Smartwatches can under-count steps by about 10% under normal exercise conditions. Activities such as pushing a pram, carrying weights, or walking with limited arm swing likely make step counts less accurate, as smartwatches rely on arm movement to register steps.

For most people, this isn’t a major problem, and step counts are still useful for tracking general activity levels. But view them as a guide, rather than a precise measure.

3. Heart rate

Smartwatches estimate your heart rate using sensors that measure changes in blood flow through the veins in your wrist.

This method is accurate at rest or low intensities, but gets less accurate as you increase exercise intensity.

Arm movement, sweat, skin tone and how tightly you wear the watch can also impact the heart rate measure it spits out. This means the accuracy can vary between people.

This can be problematic for people who use heart rate zones to guide their training, as small errors can lead to training at the wrong intensity.

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Read more:
What are heart rate zones, and how can you incorporate them into your exercise routine?

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4. Sleep tracking

Almost every smartwatch on the market gives you a “sleep score” and breaks your night into stages of light, deep and REM sleep.

The gold standard for measuring sleep is polysomnography. This is a lab-based test that records brain activity. But smartwatches estimate sleep using movement and heart rate.

This means they can detect when you’re asleep or awake reasonably well. But they are much less accurate at identifying sleep stages.

So even if your watch says you had “poor deep sleep”, this may not be the case.

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Read more:
How do sleep trackers work, and are they worth it? A sleep scientist breaks it down

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5. Recovery scores

Most smartwatches track heart rate variability and use this, with your sleep score, to create a “readiness” or “recovery” score.

Heart rate variability reflects how your body responds to stress. In the lab it is measured using an electrocardiogram. But smartwatches estimate it using wrist-based sensors, which are much more prone to measurement errors.

This means most recovery metrics are based on two inaccurate measures (heart rate variability and sleep quality). This results in a metric that may not meaningfully reflect your recovery.

As a result, if your watch says you’re not recovered, you might skip training – even if you feel good (and are actually good to go).

6. VO₂max

Most devices estimate your VO₂max – which indicates your maximal fitness. It’s the maximum amount of oxygen your body can use during exercise.

The best way to measure VO₂max involves wearing a mask to analyse the amount of oxygen you breathe in and out, to determine how much oxygen you’re using to create energy.

But your watch cannot measure oxygen use. It estimates it based on your heart rate and movement.

But smartwatches tend to overestimate VO₂max in less active people and underestimate VO₂max in fitter ones.

This means the number on your watch may not reflect your true fitness.

What should you do?

While the data from your smartwatch is prone to errors, that doesn’t mean it is completely worthless. These devices still offer a way to help you track general trends over time, but you should not pay attention to daily fluctuations or specific numbers.

It’s also important you pay attention to how you feel, how you perform and how you recover. This is likely to give you even more insight than what your smartwatch says.

Hunter Bennett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. 6 ways your smartwatch is lying to you, according to science – https://theconversation.com/6-ways-your-smartwatch-is-lying-to-you-according-to-science-279851

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Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dipa Kamdar, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, Kingston University

Metformin has a strong claim to being one of the most influential medicines of the past century. For decades, it has underpinned the treatment of type 2 diabetes, helped millions of people control their blood sugar, and inspired a second life in research on everything from ageing and cancer to heart health and fertility.

Its story begins not in a laboratory but in a plant, galega officinalis, also known as French lilac or goat’s rue. For centuries, the plant was used in folk remedies for symptoms we now recognise as associated with diabetes, including excessive thirst and frequent urination. In the early 20th century, scientists isolated blood sugar-lowering compounds from it. After years of refinement and testing, metformin emerged as a relatively safe and effective medicine, and was introduced in the UK in the late 1950s.

Large clinical trials, which are carefully designed studies in people to test how well treatments work, confirmed what many doctors already suspected. Metformin was not only effective at lowering glucose, the body’s main form of sugar, but also at reducing diabetes-related complications. It became the main treatment for type 2 diabetes across much of the world.

Metformin is a biguanide drug, a class of medicines that lowers blood sugar, and it works by helping the body use insulin more effectively. Insulin is the hormone that helps move glucose from the bloodstream into cells for energy. Metformin reduces the amount of glucose released by the liver, improves the way muscles take up glucose from the blood, and reduces how much glucose is absorbed from food in the gut.

Metformin also activates an enzyme called AMPK, often described as the cell’s energy sensor. Enzymes are proteins that help chemical reactions happen in the body.

When AMPK is switched on, it reduces the liver’s production of new glucose, a process called gluconeogenesis, and encourages tissues such as muscle to take up and use more glucose. Unlike some other diabetes medicines, metformin does not usually cause weight gain, and on its own it rarely causes low blood sugar.

Beyond diabetes: promise and limits

Metformin’s strong reputation has also led researchers to explore possible uses beyond diabetes, although the evidence is mixed. One common off-label use, meaning a medicine is prescribed for a condition it has not officially been approved to treat, is polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS).

Many people with PCOS have insulin resistance, which means their bodies do not respond properly to insulin and need to produce more of it to keep blood glucose stable. High insulin levels can stimulate the ovaries to produce more androgens, a group of hormones that includes testosterone.

Raised androgen levels can disrupt ovulation and contribute to irregular or absent periods. By improving insulin sensitivity, metformin can help reduce these effects and may help regulate the menstrual cycle.

Metformin has also been studied for its possible effects on ageing and longevity. Although early findings are intriguing, there is still no conclusive evidence that it slows ageing in humans, and it is not approved for that purpose.

Some research has suggested that metformin may have neuroprotective effects, meaning it could help protect the brain and nervous system, particularly with long-term use. But the evidence is inconsistent, and large, long-term clinical trials are still needed to determine whether metformin really can protect against dementia and other neurodegenerative diseases.

These possible uses highlight metformin’s versatility, but they also underline the importance of medical oversight. Metformin is generally well tolerated, but like all medicines, it can cause side-effects. The most common are nausea, stomach discomfort, diarrhoea, changes in taste, and loss of appetite. These often improve over time or when people switch to slow-release formulations, which release the drug more gradually. Taking metformin with food can also help.

Another recognised issue is vitamin B12 deficiency, which has repeatedly been observed in people with type 2 diabetes who take metformin. This may happen because the drug reduces how well vitamin B12 is absorbed in the gut.

Over time, low vitamin B12 can lead to anaemia or peripheral neuropathy. Anaemia means the body does not have enough healthy red blood cells to carry oxygen properly, while peripheral neuropathy refers to nerve damage, usually in the hands or feet, that can cause tingling, numbness, pain or weakness.

A rare but serious side-effect is lactic acidosis, a dangerous build-up of lactic acid in the blood. If too much builds up, it can make the blood dangerously acidic and, if untreated, may lead to organ failure. This is more likely in people with severe kidney or liver problems, which is why regular monitoring is important. Healthcare professionals may also advise temporarily stopping metformin before certain medical procedures or if someone becomes severely unwell.

For decades, the advice was simple: start with metformin. In 2026, however, the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (Nice) updated its guidelines for type 2 diabetes, signalling a move towards earlier and more intensive treatment. The new guidance recommends that most people should be offered an SGLT-2 inhibitor, such as dapagliflozin, alongside metformin from the start.

SGLT-2 inhibitors are drugs that help the kidneys remove excess glucose from the body in urine. This approach aims not only to control blood sugar, but also to protect the heart and kidneys earlier in the course of disease, reflecting a broader shift towards more personalised treatment.

That does not mean metformin has been pushed aside. It remains a cornerstone of diabetes care and is still widely prescribed. But the landscape is changing, and treatment is becoming more tailored to the individual.

Metformin may be old, but it continues to adapt to modern medicine. As diabetes care becomes more personalised and new treatment options emerge, metformin remains a reliable, affordable and effective foundation. Its story is far from over. Sometimes the most transformative medicines are not the newest or the flashiest, but the ones that stand the test of time.

Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The 10 pence pill that underpins diabetes care – and may do much more besides – https://theconversation.com/the-10-pence-pill-that-underpins-diabetes-care-and-may-do-much-more-besides-276136

Source: MIL-OSI-Submissions-English

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Tamara Krawchenko, Associate Professor, School of Public Administration, University of Victoria

The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe recently called for local and national authorities to work together to help Ukraine recover and rebuild four years after Russia’s full-scale invasion of the country.

The message is clear: cities and regions must lead, and their counterparts around the world should help them do it. The congress also calls on Russia to pay for the damage it has caused, pointing to frozen Russian assets worldwide as one source for those funds — an acknowledgment that recovery cannot wait for the war to end, since communities are already rebuilding under fire.

As a lead author of the report underpinning the congress’s call to action, I want to explain why it matters and why Canada, in particular, has both the track record and the responsibility to step up.

The scale of what needs to be done

The numbers are almost impossible to absorb. By the end of 2024, direct damage to Ukraine’s buildings and infrastructure had reached approximately US$176 billion, with more than 2.5 million households destroyed or damaged.

Total aggregate economic losses from the invasion are estimated at more than US$1.1 trillion. Nearly 6.8 million Ukrainians have also sought refuge abroad, the largest displacement of people in Europe since the Second World War.

Behind every statistic is a community struggling to survive — a mayor trying to keep schools open under missile attacks; a municipal council managing hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons with dwindling resources; a city engineer repairing the same water system for the third time after it was bombed yet again.

Local and regional authorities across Ukraine face these situations every day. And it is precisely because the challenges are so local — tied to specific communities and capacities — that the response must also be local.

Ukrainian decentralization reforms since 2014 have expanded the fiscal capacity of the country’s municipalities, enabling them to respond to the unprecedented shocks of war far more effectively than before. In fact, local budget revenues quintupled between 2014 and 2021.

Russia’s invasion disrupted these reforms.

Why city-to-city networks are different

The call to action by the congress asks local and regional authorities in Council of Europe member states to use “existing co-operation platforms and bilateral partnerships to offer practical support to their Ukrainian counterparts.”

It’s an appeal for cities that have solved difficult problems — managing mass displacement, rebuilding after disaster, reforming service delivery — to share what they know with Ukrainian cities doing the same under fire.

City-to-city partnerships are fundamentally different from top-down aid. They are peer relationships built on what scholars call horizontal assistance — the exchange of practical knowledge and structural social capital between cities navigating similar challenges.

Research on municipal technical exchanges, including a study of Seattle’s city-to-city delegations, shows these networks generate direct benefits: lower costs of accessing policy information, facilitation of collective action and long-term institutional ties that outlast any individual project cycle.

As the researchers who conducted the Seattle research point out, the exchanges “disseminate information, and through the personal relations they initiate, have a potential for influencing future resource decisions among cities and countries.”

This matters enormously for Ukraine. The most effective city networks are those oriented toward concrete policy transfer such as sharing regulatory frameworks, governance tools and public administration practices.

Ukrainian cities need exactly this: working models of how to manage housing allocation for displaced persons, how to deliver trauma-informed social services and how to rebuild energy infrastructure with built-in resilience.

Canadian municipal engineers who might advise a Kharkiv counterpart on water system resilience wouldn’t just be delivering aid — they’d be sharing hard-won professional knowledge among equals. That knowledge sticks in ways that consultant reports rarely do.

The lessons of past reconstruction

History offers clear guidance on what works. Comparative analysis of post-war and post-disaster reconstruction experiences identifies local community engagement and bottom-up leadership as the single most consistent factor separating successful from failed reconstruction.

Top-down donor interventions that bypassed local institutions, as in Iraq after 2003, produced waste, duplication and projects misaligned with community priorities. By contrast, programs that genuinely incorporated recipient input — like the post-Second World War Marshall Plan — achieved lasting results.

The review by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) of Ukraine’s recovery architecture echoes this: Ukraine’s reconstruction ecosystem remains fragmented, with co-ordination gaps among federal government departments, international donors and local authorities.

City-to-city networks can help fill that gap at the most practical level by channelling directly applicable knowledge to the local officials who most need it.

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Read more:
Engineering hope: how I made it my mission to help rebuild Ukraine’s critical infrastructure

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Canada’s proven record, and its moment

Canada has been here before. Beginning in 2010, the Federation of Canadian Municipalities (FCM), financed by the Canadian government through Global Affairs Canada, built exactly this kind of peer network in Ukraine through the Partnership for Local Economic Development and Democratic Governance.

The $19.5-million, six-year initiative worked directly with 16 Ukrainian cities to strengthen local democracy, support small and medium-sized businesses and advance decentralization.

FCM’s municipal experts worked alongside counterparts in cities like Lviv and Dnipro, co-publishing Ukraine’s first municipal guide to local economic development and helping local governments design collaborative regional projects. A key partner throughout was the Association of Ukrainian Cities, a key municipal advocacy organization.

That program ended, but the relationships it built did not. And the decentralization reforms it supported are now widely credited — by the congress’s call to action itself, the OECD and scholars of Ukrainian resilience — with giving Ukrainian local authorities the capacity to respond as effectively as they have to the shocks of war.

The case for reinvestment

The congress explicitly notes in its call to action that decentralization reforms “have played a crucial role in Ukraine’s wartime resilience.” That is, in part, a legacy of Canada’s investment.

A new, scaled-up commitment through FCM building on existing relationships with the Association of Ukrainian Cities — drawing on FCM’s international programs expertise and connecting Canadian municipal professionals to their Ukrainian peers across the priority domains the resolution identifies (like in housing, social and mental health supports, economic recovery, emergency management, community energy and citizen participation) — would represent a return to a proven formula.

The congress’s call to action urges deeper, more focused work on local recovery and reconstruction. City-to-city partnerships stand out as one of the most cost-effective and sustainable tools: they share practical knowledge that endures, strengthen institutions over the long term and recognize Ukrainian cities as active participants in their own reconstruction.

Canada helped build local government capacity in Ukraine before the war. The Council of Europe’s Congress has now called on the world to do so again. Canada should answer that call.

The author served as a contributing expert to the Council of Europe Congress Report CG(2026)50-10prov, adopted at the 50th Session of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities in March 2026.

– ref. Cities helping cities rebuild: How local partnerships are shaping Ukraine’s recovery – https://theconversation.com/cities-helping-cities-rebuild-how-local-partnerships-are-shaping-ukraines-recovery-280205

Source: MIL-OSI-Submissions-English

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nick Dunn, Professor of Urban Design, Lancaster University

In the novel When There Are Wolves Again by E.J. Swift, the Chernobyl disaster and its legacy is extrapolated to a near future where natural habitats are depleted and precarious.

This work of eco-fiction deftly explores issues of possible paths to a future where animals return to a nature depleted area. In the real world, a parallel version of this story has been unfolding as nature is thriving around former nuclear power plants.

This is especially evident at the former Chernobyl plant in Ukraine, where the absence of human activity has enabled wildlife to flourish despite continuing radiation, 40 years after the nuclear disaster there.

A 2,600km² exclusion zone was established following the world’s worst civilian nuclear accident at Chernobyl in 1986, which released a radioactive cloud across Europe and led to the evacuation of around 115,000 people from the surrounding area. Almost immediately, radiation poisoning killed 31 plant workers and firefighters.

It is 40 years since the Chernobyl disaster that led to the creation of the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone (CEZ). Since 1986, it has turned into a thriving, unintentional wildlife sanctuary and a vast rewilding “laboratory”. The CEZ prohibits people living there, commercial activities, natural resource extraction and public access. Now the area is home to flourishing populations of large mammals.

Populations of wolves, foxes, Eurasian lynx, elk and wild boar have significantly increased here. Species such as brown bears and European bison, meanwhile, have returned. This is rewilding in its most extreme form, given the inability of humans to intervene and it has resulted in several unexpected effects in the CEZ.

Studies indicate that the lack of human hunting, agriculture and development has a more positive impact on animal numbers than radiation has a negative one.

Large mammal populations in the Belarusian sector of the zone are comparable to or higher than those in uncontaminated nature reserves. There is no doubt that initial radiation caused major damage to flora and fauna, most notably in the “red forest”, a 10km² area near the nuclear power plant.

This area earned its name after pine trees died and turned red-brown due to high radiation absorption. Yet long-term studies show that biodiversity has increased in the absence of humans.

Return of rare species

A range of endangered species have returned to the exclusion zone. This includes Przewalski’s horses, reintroduced in 1998 as a conservation experiment. They are now thriving, and the population has grown to over 150 animals within a distinct area of the Ukrainian part of the zone.

Both Eurasian lynx and European bison, which had disappeared from the area, have returned and established their populations. Several different bird species have returned, such as black storks, white storks and white-tailed eagles.

Most significant, is the return of the globally endangered greater spotted eagle, which depends on wetland habitats to hunt and is very sensitive to human disturbance. It had vanished from the area at the time of the nuclear accident.

In 2019, four pairs were recorded at the study site, and at least 13 pairs were documented nesting in the Belarusian part of the zone. Today, this region is the only place in the world where the population of this rare species is growing.

Frogs change colour

There is also scientific evidence that some species appear to be adapting to the radioactive environment. For example, tree frogs in the zone are darker, as higher melatonin levels seem to protect against radiation damage.

There also appears to be resilience evolving in wolves as research on Eurasian wolves indicates potential adaptations to survive chronic radiation and reduce cancer risks.

Such adaptation is not limited to animals. A black fungus was first discovered in 1991 using remotely piloted robots growing inside reactor 4 of the former power plant. It appears to use melanin, which can protect against ultra-violet light, to convert gamma radiation into energy to grow faster than normal.

In addition, some plants in the nearby zone are demonstrating DNA repair as a response to the high levels of radiation. Such adaptation means the vegetation has evolved to survive, with some plants showing enhanced ability to manage heavy metals and radiation.

It is now one of Europe’s largest nature reserves, providing an important site for ecological research, particularly for how ecosystems recover when undisturbed.

The zone has undoubtedly been shaped by radiation but also, crucially, by abandonment and time. As a consequence, the usual ecological rules no longer apply and this has meant Chernobyl now has some remarkable wildlife. For example, the hundreds of pet dogs abandoned in the aftermath of the disaster have become feral dogs that have evolved to be genetically distinct from populations elsewhere in Ukraine.

Despite the evidence supporting rewilding here, it is apparent that not all outcomes of the disaster have been beneficial for flora and fauna. There is evolutionary pressure with some species showing reduced reproductive success and high mutation rates, resulting in some health issues for animals.

But it is not only at Chernobyl where these nuclear zones are encouraging animals to return. Around other damaged nuclear reactors, such as Fukushima, mammals, including bears, raccoons and wild boars have now returned in high numbers transforming exclusion zones into unexpected sanctuaries. At some operating nuclear plants, local wildlife has been encouraged through habitat creation and protection of large, undisturbed exclusion areas.

Clearly, the situation is complicated, and it should not take a nuclear accident to stop humans pushing other species towards existential risk, let alone the continuing environmental degradation occurring around the globe. There are lessons to be learned from such catastrophes, and no neat conclusions, even 40 years after the disaster.

Wildlife has largely returned to the area around Chernobyl due to the absence of people, although not predictably or evenly. It does illustrate, however, how ecosystems can respond and still flourish when the usual rules do not apply.

Nick Dunn receives funding from various UKRI funding councils and UK government bodies. He is a Director of DarkSky UK.

– ref. 40 years on from the disaster, why there are foxes, bears and bison again around Chernobyl – https://theconversation.com/40-years-on-from-the-disaster-why-there-are-foxes-bears-and-bison-again-around-chernobyl-280300

Source: French to English Tester   Published on: 2026-04-20

Source: The Conversation – in French– By Mickaël Hedde, Research Director, Inrae

The European directive on soil monitoring, adopted by the European Union at the end of 2025, aims to achieve healthy soils by 2050. Soils are indeed at the crossroads of multiple issues: climate, biodiversity, food, etc. Yes, but with what measurement tools? The text decided in Brussels only currently mandates the approach based on environmental DNA. However, France has strong experience in measuring soil quality, which could be advantageously utilized: the best monitoring tools are those that simultaneously integrate several complementary approaches.

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Since November 2025, the European Directive onsoil monitoring and resiliencerequires Member States to regularly assess soil biodiversity. For the biological part, the directive provides for monitoring every six years,microbial diversity of soils(bacteria and fungi) fromenvironmental DNA(ADNe).

However, while eDNA is a powerful tool for detecting biodiversity on a large scale, it is insufficient on its own to interpret the observed changes and identify their causes. Indeed, bacterial and fungal communities represent only a part of soil biodiversity, which also includes many organisms with crucial and varied ecological roles.

Soil functioning also relies on the abundance, biomass, and activity of living organisms, aspects that cannot be assessed solely by molecular detection. A graduated approach combining several complementary protocols is therefore necessary to produce robust and useful indicators for public action.

The French experience, notably through the soil quality measurement network (RMQS) and theGIS Sol, constitutes, in this capacity, a reference framework for the interpretation of results and a proven operational framework for soil biodiversity monitoring. This could usefully complement the foundation provided by European legislation.

Environmental DNA, necessary but not sufficient

TheDNAis a molecular approach and, as such, offers advantages in environmental monitoring: broad – and a priori standardized – detection of biodiversity, high spatial and temporal comparability… Such methods constitute a particularly effective tool for detecting changes in the composition of biological communities.

However, molecular signatures derived from eDNA do not always allow for the accurate identification of taxa present in soils. They may exhibit biases ofrepresentativeness. They are, moreover, often weakly correlated with other essential biological characteristics used to characterize biodiversity and soil functioning, such as the abundance of organisms, their biomass, their demographic structure, or their activities. They will therefore provide an incomplete — and sometimes even distorted — view of soil health.

However, beyond simply detecting changes in diversity, monitoring systems must also allow for the interpretation of these changes, that is, understanding what they imply for soil functionality, for example in agriculture, and identifying their causes. This is what will enable the evaluation of the effectiveness of public policies and management practices. In this context, reducing the biological and ecological complexity of soils to this single component carries a risk related to the difficulties of interpretation.

The directive nevertheless provides that Member States may supplement the mandatory indicators with other biological indicators in their national monitoring systems, thereby opening the possibility for more integrated approaches.

A tool for public decision-making assistance

Environmental monitoring pursues two distinct and complementary objectives: detecting changes in the state of ecosystems and attributing these changes to environmental pressures, land uses, or management practices. These two dimensions are closely linked by the biological and ecological processes that structure the functioning of ecosystems.

Beyond their scientific scope, the indicators used to monitor soil biodiversity constitute a tool to aid public decision-making. It is not only about identifying the dynamics of biological communities but also understanding their causes. This therefore concerns, first and foremost, public decision-makers. The aim is to guide sustainable planning and management practices, to identify degradation situations, to implement policies to address them, and to be able to evaluate their effectiveness.

A monitoring system limited to detecting changes in soil biodiversity without enabling their interpretation and attribution to environmental pressures would provide only a limited basis for evaluating public policies and implementing appropriate management strategies.

Biodiversity is not reduced to the number of taxa alone

The ecological functions of the soil – such as the regulation of water and contaminants, the provision of nutrients, carbon storage, maintenance of structure, or the support of biodiversity itself – are not static states, but dynamic processes. They rely on the activity of living organisms, their biomass and their functional characteristics (physiology, behavior) as well as their interactions (competition, symbiosis, parasitism). They manifest through fluxes and renewal rates rather than simple stocks.

In this context, molecular approaches provide valuable information about the presence of organisms but do not, by themselves, allow for the evaluation of these dynamic processes or their intensity. A correct interpretation of soil functioning therefore requires additional measurements as well asinterpretation frameworksallowing to link biological indicators to the different land use contexts and environmental conditions.

Environmental DNA data are increasingly used to develop new approaches, for example those based oninteraction networks, which allow representing the organization of soil biological communities. When these networks are built solely from presence or co-occurrence data, they mainly reflect the sharing of ecological conditions or environmental niches by different species.

This then only provides indirect information about the biological activities at work and the flows of matter and energy, which also determine the functioning of soils. Ecological interpretation requires additional information, particularly about the abundance or biomass of organisms. This is how biological communities can be linked to the ecological processes that support soil functions.

A graduated and complementary approach

In order to reconcile operational efficiency and ecological relevance, soil biodiversity monitoring is increasingly combining several types ofapproaches, each providing specific information about the state and functioning of biological communities.

DNA-based approaches allow for broad and standardized detection of microbial biodiversity, and could be extended to other organisms such as invertebrates.

Other methods are based on the direct observation of soil fauna organisms, the estimation of their abundance or biomass, or the analysis of their functional characteristics. They provide essential information on the biological structure and ecological role of soil communities.

These approaches should not be considered mutually exclusive, but as complementary tools. They allow linking the composition of biological communities (taxonomic and functional structure) to the ecological processes that support soil functions. Their combination is, in this respect, particularly interesting for building a monitoring strategy presenting different levels of information.

This logic of complementarity is already being implemented in some existing monitoring systems. For example, within the framework of the French soil monitoring network (RMQS) or in the mountain biodiversity observatoryOrchamp. These approaches are not meant to be deployed everywhere, but their combination is essential to correctly interpret the state and evolution of soil biodiversity.

Our recommendations for the implementation of the directive at the national level

Preserving the capacity to understand, explain, and act requires recognizing that the biological complexity of soils calls for a controlled diversity of monitoring approaches.

With the support ofGIS Sol, France is among the nations at the forefront of soil biodiversity monitoring. It has tested this approach, combiningseveral protocols within the RMQS, for several years. This experience, rare at the European level, must serve as the foundation on which to build the future national soil monitoring network.

The directive provides, beyond the mandatory indicators, the possibility for Member States to supplement their systems with optional indicators. This flexibility offers the opportunity to establish a monitoring system capable not only of detecting trends in soil biodiversity evolution, but also of interpreting their causes and possibilities.remediation. This finally allows for the assessment of the implications for public policies.

In this perspective, several principles should guide the national implementation of the European directive:

• Do not restrict national soil biodiversity monitoring to a single measure derived from eDNA, which limits our ability to interpret the observed changes.

• Implement a combination of complementary measures, enabling the connection of biodiversity detection to community structure and ecological processes that support soil functions, with the support of protocols and measures that will be developed in the PEPR.DynabiodandLivingSoils.

• Develop interpretation frameworksopenand analytical frameworks that allow evaluating whether the observed variations are significant, in order to link biological indicators to land use and environmental pressures.

• Make use of existing mechanisms, notably the RMQS supported by the GIS Sol, in order to ensure the coherence, comparability, and scientific robustness of the future national surveillance system.

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This article is a joint production of the RMQS Biodiversity, the PEPR SolsVivants and Dynabiod, and the RNEST, represented by the co-authors. The elaboration of this document was also contributed to by: Apolline Auclerc, Nolwenn Bougon, Miriam Buitrago, Philippe Hinsinger, Claudy Jolivet, Antoine Lévêque, Gwenaël Magne, Florence Maunoury-Danger, Jérôme Mathieu, Christian Mougin, Laurent Palka, Benjamin Pauget, Guénola Pérès, Sophie Pouzenc, Sophie Raous, Claire Salomon, Marie-Françoise Slack, Wilfried Thuiller, Cécile Villenave, Quentin Vincent.

Mickaël Hedde has received funding from various French organizations (OFB, ANR, ADEME) and the European Union (Horizon Europe) to conduct his research at INRAE.

Antonio Bispo is the director of the INRAE Info&Sols research unit based in Orléans. He has received funding from various French organizations (Ministries, OFB, ANR, ADEME, Centre Val de Loire Region) and from the European Union (Horizon Europe) to conduct his research. The research unit leads, on behalf of the GIS Sol (www.gissol.fr), the national soil inventory and monitoring programs, it also manages the national soil information system.

Claire Chenu is a member of the French Association for Soil Study (AFES), a corresponding member of the Academy of Agriculture, and a member of the Academy of Technologies. She co-chairs the Scientific, Technical, and Innovation Committee of the National Network for Scientific and Technical Expertise on Soils (CSTI RNEST). She has received European funding (particularly from the European Joint Programme SOIL) to conduct research within INRAE and AgroParisTech.

Flavien Poincot is an engineer at Acta who supports, facilitates, and represents the network of 19 agricultural technical institutes, applied research organizations working for all agricultural, animal, and plant productions.

Jérôme Cortet is a member of the French Society of Evolutionary Ecology (SFE2) and of the French Association for Soil Study (AFES). He currently co-chairs the Scientific, Technical and Innovation Committee of the National Network for Scientific and Technical Expertise on Soils (CSTI RNEST). He has received funding from various French organizations (ANR, ADEME, Occitanie Region) to conduct his research within the Center for Functional and Evolutionary Ecology, a laboratory affiliated with the University of Montpellier Paul-Valéry.

–ref. European Directive on soils: why monitoring by environmental DNA will not be enough –https://theconversation.com/eu-soil-directive-why-monitoring-by-environmental-dna-will-not-be-enough-280098

Source: French to English Tester   Published on: 2026-04-20

Source: The Conversation – in French– By Hugo Spring-Ragain, PhD student in economics / mathematical economics, Center for Diplomatic and Strategic Studies (CEDS)

Artificial intelligence does not so much destroy jobs as it profoundly changes the skills required to perform them. From this confusion between jobs and skills, errors may arise in policies supporting ongoing transformations.

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Each major technological wave has produced its share of contradictory predictions about employment. Artificial intelligence (AI) is no exception. But before knowing how many jobs AI will create or destroy, we need to agree on what it actually automates. The answer requires distinguishing three notions that public debate regularly confuses: employment, skill, and task.

The great waves of automation have followed a remarkably stable logic over two centuries: steam, electricity, and industrial robotics have displaced repetitive physical tasks and spared non-routine cognitive work. This empirical regularity has beenformalized by Autor, Levy, and Murnanesince 2003 under the name “task polarization hypothesis.”

A persistent illusion

Automation erodes intermediate jobs, those of skilled blue-collar workers and office employees performing routine tasks, but spares the two extremes. On one hand, non-routine manual tasks, such as plumbing or caregiving, on the other, non-routine cognitive tasks, such as analysis, consulting, or expert writing. The latter constituted the core of skilled tertiary professions, and the conviction was firmly established that they would remain out of reach.

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Also to read:
Why AI is forcing companies to rethink the value of work

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This conviction was based on a conceptual confusion that must be cleared up first and foremost. It was not the job of a lawyer or financial analyst that was protected, but a set of specific tasks that made up this job and which had until now resisted automation. The distinction between these three levels is fundamental.

A job designates a position held within an organization, with a contract, a salary, and a job description. A skill is a cognitive or technical ability that can be applied in various professional contexts. A task is a specific, definable action, for which it is possible to assess whether or not it can be automated at a given cost. It is at this third level that the ongoing transformation truly takes place, and it is precisely this level that the public debate ignores.

Rupture in the long history of industrial capitalism

Generative AI represents a breakthrough in this long history. For the first time since industrialization, qualified cognitive tasks such as writing, document analysis, synthesis, and production of first drafts are directly exposed.Eloundou, Manning, Mishkin and Rockestimate that about 80% of the active U.S. workforce could see at least 10% of their tasks affected by large language models, and that this exposure increases with salary level. This is the exact opposite pattern observed in all previous waves.

The analytical framework developed byAcemoglu and Restrepoallows to go further. Their model distinguishes two opposing effects produced by any wave of automation:

• The displacement effect, first: workers lose tasks to the benefit of the machine, which mechanically reduces the demand for labor and weighs on the wages of the affected groups;

• The reintegration effect, then: automation produces new tasks where human value is decisive, generating compensatory demand.

The long history of industrial capitalism can be read as a succession of these two effects, the second generally ending up compensating for the first.

The case of translation allows us to see very concretely how displacement and reintegration combine. Generative AI can produce a first draft in another language in a few seconds, which shifts part of the work previously done by human translators to the machine. But this automation simultaneously reintegrates other tasks or enhances their importance, such as checking for misunderstandings, adapting to the cultural context, harmonizing terminology, quality control, and final validation.

Potential imbalance

What is worrying with generative AI is the potential imbalance between these two dynamics. The shift is happening at a speed that labor markets and training institutions struggle to absorb, while reintegration still largely remains to be built.

However, the most important phenomenon is not sectoral, but it is internal to the professions themselves. In its“Employment Outlook”, the OECDhighlights that the professions most exposed to generative AI are precisely those with a high cognitive density: finance, law, consulting, higher education. Unlike previous waves that affected rural areas and industrial regions, the exposure is now stronger in large metropolitan areas and among highly skilled workers, an unprecedented geographical and social reversal.

Redistribute tasks

This reversal concretely takes place at the level of the task.

In the same position of financial analyst or legal advisor, some tasks are shifting to AI (producing an executive summary, generating an initial contract analysis, synthesizing a literature review), while others are mechanically gaining value: defining the relevant analytical framework, assessing the quality of automated reasoning, detecting factual errors in an output, assuming legal or ethical responsibility for a decision. These are not jobs that disappear. They are bundles of tasks that are redistributed between humans and machines, transforming from within what an employer expects from a qualified employee.

This redistribution of tasks has a direct impact on the skills that will truly be valued in the coming years, and it overturns some of the usual assumptions about professional training.

Train workers to use AI instrumentally, to master a tool, to writepromptsEffective, mastering an interface is useful in the short term, but it is insufficient if the skill truly required tomorrow is not to produce with AI, but to supervise and critique what it produces.

A training challenge

However, effectively supervising an AI output requires exactly what short and technical trainings struggle to develop: a solid general knowledge that allows detecting a fundamental error, an argumentative ability to evaluate the coherence of a reasoning, a knowledge of cognitive biases to identify the blind spots of an automated analysis. These are skills thateducational sciences group under the term metacompetencesTo learn to learn, to exercise critical judgment, to mobilize knowledge in unprecedented situations.

The paradox then becomes the following. As AI automates routine knowledge tasks, it precisely values what generalist training and humanities courses have long cultivated and what debates on employability have tended to disregard in favor of more immediately measurable technical skills.

Not out of nostalgia for the humanities, but out of pure economic logic. If the machine produces the text, the analysis and the synthesis, the marginal value of the human lies in their ability to judge whether this text is true, whether this analysis is relevant in light of the real context, whether this synthesis serves the pursued objective.

Hugo Spring-Ragain does not work for, advise, own shares in, or receive funds from any organization that could benefit from this article, and has declared no other affiliations than his research institution.

–ref. Generative AI, the first cognitive revolution in the history of work –https://theconversation.com/lia-generative-premiere-revolution-cognitive-de-lhistoire-du-travail-279911